Last week’s blog assessed agricultural impacts inflicted by
climate change. This week’s blog aims to
analyse the ability of farmers to adapt to climate change impacts. This will be evaluated, by looking at
Ethiopia as a case study.
Local farmers observed an increase in temperatures and a
decrease in precipitation over time (Deressa et al 2009). Some farmers were able to assess changes in
rainfall seasons, suggesting that rain in many cases may have occurred later
than expected. Therefore highlighting
the observation of climate changes occurring in Ethiopia and the influence on farming
(Deressa et al 2009). However, Bryan et al (2009) suggests that in most cases,
these observations were variable depending on the age of farmers, farm and
non-farm income and the degree of services.
Hence, questioning farmer’s degree of understanding on climatic change
in the long run.
Wealth as a factor in climate change adaptation
In Ethiopia, the main source of wealth occurs from
agriculture. Deressa et al (2009)
suggests that agriculture in Ethiopia contributes 85% of the foreign exchange
earnings, employs 80% of the population and increases GDP by 35%. Hence, agriculture provides economic security
for many people. However, this security
is threatened due to environmental impacts forcing farmers to adapt to different
agricultural processes. Poor farmers
tend to have less machinery and a smaller amount of land, hence are more
willing to adapt (Bryan et al 2009). Hence,
due to not having a lot to loose in terms of economic benefits, poor farmers
are willing to adapt their farming strategies to become more tolerant to
climate change impacts. Unfortunately they
are unable to do so, as long-term measures against climate change impacts are
costly (Deressa et al 2009).
Controversially, middle-income farmers are reluctant to agricultural
adaptation, as a loss of agricultural yield may affect their food security and
lower their standard of living (Bryan et al 2009). Furthermore, wealthier farmers are more able
to adapt. They have more money, more
machinery and their own radio (for telecommunication). Therefore, allowing them
to adapt to a higher degree compared to other social groups. Additionally, wealthier farmers with larger
areas of land adapt more easily as a small decline in yields will not affect
their income substantially (Bryan et al 2009).
Moreover, they are able to obtain credits from the bank and adapt better
to climate change, as there is more cash flow to invest in machinery and
increasing agricultural efficiency (Deressa et al 2009).
Conversely, Conway and Schipper (2011) argue that there is
no apparent correlation between changes in GDP and rainfall (Figure 1). This
relationship is only apparent after the year 2000, as there is an
intensification of climate change impacts and rainfall patterns change
substantially. Hence, the slower the degree of change of climate, the less
impact this will have on GDP (Conway and Schipper 2011). This highlights that wealthy farmers have the
opportunity to adapt but are not willing to adapt to new agricultural practises
except if there are significant losses in agricultural yield. Their main
incentive will be making a profit unless they are substantially affected by
climatic events.
Figure 1: The relationship between rainfall and GDP in Ethiopia Note: There is a relatively week correlation also highlighted by the correlation number of 0.1, suggesting no statistical significance Source: Conway and Schipper 2011 |
Agricultural adaption due to extreme events
Furthermore, the most apparent relationship seen in Figure 1
occurs with extreme climatic events such as droughts. Therefore, changes in the hydrological cycle
caused by climate change will be vital when regarding changes in the economy of
Ethiopia (and also many other countries). Deressa et al (2009) draw the conclusion that farmers
who had experience of extreme droughts or floods, are willing to adapt compared
to farmers with less experience. This
may be highly correlated with experiencing losses in agricultural yield. Bryan et al (2009) suggests that 14% of the
people experiencing intense events are likely to change their farming practises. This is achieved by: selling livestock, migrating,
borrowing more money and receiving food aid.
However, Conway and Schipper (2011) suggest these measures are short-term
and will not help in resolving long-term climate change impacts. Hence, questioning to what degree Ethiopians
are able to adapt due to climatic changes and economic constraints.
Climate change adaptation according to knowledge
Lastly, many farmers are willing to adapt their agricultural
practises when having more knowledge about climate change. The higher the understanding and awareness of
environmental impacts on agriculture and water supplies, the higher the
willingness of adaptation (Bryan et al 2009).
In many cases, wealthier and middle class farmers, find that knowledge is
the best incentive and feel it is a key factor to being persuaded to change
their agricultural skills and techniques (Figure 2).
Figure 2: Various Factors influencing farmer's adaption Note: Lack of Knowledge being one of the largest incentives for wealthy and middle class farmers to adapt against climate change as they already have land Source: Bryan et al 2009 |
Conclusions
Therefore, it is evident that farmers are willing to adapt
to climate change for various reasons, extreme weather and knowledge being the
most important. However, policy makers must
acknowledge the type of adaption required.
Policy makers need to ensure the long-term climate adaption for all
farmers, as short-term adaptation creates false security (Conway and Schipper 2011). When adapting to short-term climatic changes, farmers will think that
the measures they are taking are enough to withstand extreme events, even
though this is not the case (Bryan et al 2009).
Although poorer farmers are willing to adapt, they are less able to take
long-term adaptions, due to high costs, underlining a major barrier. Hence, guidance
and some form of subsidy may be essential to achieve this goal for poor farmers.